PARIS — His
entourage calls him “the Prince,” and after the militant Islamist takeover of a
town in northern Mali last year, he liked to go down to the river and watch the
sunset, surrounded by armed bodyguards.
Others call
him “Laaouar,” or the One-Eyed, after he lost an eye to shrapnel; some call him
“Mr. Marlboro” for the cigarette-smuggling monopoly he created across the Sahel
region to finance his jihad. And French intelligence officials called him “the
Uncatchable” because he escaped after apparently being involved in a series of
kidnappings in 2003 that captured 32 European tourists, an undertaking which is
thought to have earned him millions of dollars in ransoms.
Mokhtar
Belmokhtar, 40, born in the Algerian desert city of Ghardaïa, 350 miles south
of Algiers, is now being called the mastermind of the hostage crisis at an
internationally run natural-gas facility in eastern Algeria.
Algerian
officials say he mounted the assault and the mass abduction of foreigners; his
spokesmen say the raid is in reprisal for the French intervention in Mali and
for Algeria’s support for the French war against Islamist militants in the
Sahel.
Mr.
Belmokhtar has been active in politics, moneymaking and fighting for decades in
the Sahel, which includes Mali, Mauritania and Niger and is one of the poorest regions in
the world. But through this single action, one of the most brazen kidnappings
in years, he has suddenly become one of the best-known figures associated with
the Islamist militancy sweeping the region and agitating capitals around the
world.
The 1989
killing in Pakistan of Abdullah Yusuf Azzam, a Palestinian considered the “father of global
jihad” and a mentor of Osama bin Laden’s, prompted Mr. Belmokhtar to seek to
avenge Mr. Azzam’s death, he has said in interviews. At 19 he traveled to
Afghanistan for training with Al Qaeda, and has
claimed in interviews to have made contact with other jihadi luminaries like
Abu Qatada and Abu Muhammad al-Maqdisi, according to a 2009 Jamestown
Foundation study. Bin Laden made contact with him, through emissaries,
in the early 2000s, according to Djallil Lounnas, who teaches at Al Akhawayn
University in Morocco.
Mr.
Belmokhtar later named a son Osama, after Bin Laden, and inserted himself into
local populations in the southern Algerian and northern Malian desert by marrying
the daughter of a prominent Arab leader from Timbuktu, Mali. He is also said to
have shared the riches of his lucrative activities with the impoverished local
population, Mr. Lounnas has written.
Mr.
Belmokhtar, described as taciturn, watchful and wary by a Malian journalist,
Malick Aliou Maïga, who met him last summer, was one of the most experienced of
the leaders of what became Al Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb until he broke with
the group last year to form his own organization, the Signed-in-Blood
Battalion, sometimes translated as the Signatories for Blood. Occasionally
using the alias Khaled Abu Abass, he is thought to have based himself in Gao,
Mali, which has seen heavy bombing by French warplanes.
It was not
clear whether Mr. Belmokhtar was at the scene or commanding the operation from
afar.
There are
stories that he lost his eye fighting in Afghanistan, but others say he lost it
fighting Algerian government troops after he returned to Algeria in 1993. The
country was being ripped apart by civil war at the time, after the government
annulled 1992 elections that were about to be won by an Islamist party. Mr.
Belmokhtar has been a wanted man in Algeria since that time and condemned to
death several times by Algerian courts.
Mr.
Belmokhtar was falsely reported to have been killed in 1999. Nearly a decade
later, the Salafist Group for Preaching and Combat, which he joined, adopted
the jihadist ideology of Bin Laden and renamed itself Al Qaeda in the Islamic
Maghreb. Mr. Belmokhtar is considered to have been a key intermediary with Al
Qaeda and a well-known supplier of weapons and matériel in the Sahara.
But he
clearly does not share authority easily, and left or was removed from his post
as commander of a battalion in Mali last October, reportedly for “straying from
the right path,” according to a Malian official,
quoting the leader of Al Qaeda
in the Islamic Maghreb, Abdelmalek Droukdel.
The dispute
was about Mr. Belmokhtar’s return to smuggling and trafficking. Dominique
Thomas, a specialist in radical Islam, told Le Monde that Mr. Belmokhtar’s
activities ran counter to the group’s official line, which presents itself as
entirely virtuous.
Mr.
Belmokhtar then founded his new group, which he allied with the Movement for
Oneness and Jihad in West Africa, another Islamist group that had broken off
from Al Qaeda.
Some suggest
that his expertise has been more in criminal activities than in holy warfare.
Kidnapping and smuggling — of cigarettes, stolen cars, arms and drugs — have
been his specialties in the vast and largely lawless border regions. He was
said to be central to hostage-takings and subsequent negotiations for their
release in 2003, 2008 and 2009.
Robert R.
Fowler, a former Canadian diplomat and a United Nations special envoy to Niger,
was kidnapped by Mr. Belmokhtar’s brigade in late 2008 and met with him several
times.
“He’s a
fairly slight, very serious, very confident-looking guy who moves with quiet
authority,” Mr. Fowler said in a telephone interview from Canada. “He’s clearly
been in the business of being a terrorist and surviving for a long time. I was
always impressed by the quiet authority he exhibited.”
Mr. Maïga,
the Malian journalist, recalled seeing Mr. Belmokhtar, dressed in black and
wearing a turban that descended over his eye, leaving a hospital in Gao with
his entourage. He called out to him, and a bodyguard quickly interposed
himself: “You must not,” the bodyguard warned. “That is the Prince.”
Subsequently,
Mr. Maïga recalled seeing Mr. Belmokhtar seated on the beach by the river at
Gao, surrounded by bodyguards. “He was saying nothing. He has a fixed stare. He
doesn’t trust people.”
Mr. Maïga
and others say locals regard him with both respect and fear.
In an
interview with the Mauritanian news agency Alakhbar in Gao in November, Mr.
Belmokhtar said he respected “the clearly expressed choice” of the people of
northern Mali “to apply Islamic Shariah law.” He warned against foreign
interference, saying that any country that did so “would be considered as an
oppressor and aggressor who is attacking a Muslim people applying Shariah on
its territory.”
Mr.
Belmokhtar was already scheduled to be tried again in absentia by the Algiers
criminal tribunal starting next Monday, on charges that include supplying
weapons for attacks on Algerian soil. Planned targets were said to include
pipelines and oil company installations in southern Mali.
Steven
Erlanger reported from Paris, and Adam
Nossiter from Bamako, Mali. Harvey
Morris contributed reporting from
London, and Eric Schmitt from Washington.
Tulisan ini dimuat di The New York Times pada 17 Januari 2013.

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